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HOUSE · HR 48 119 CONGRESS

Ultrasound Informed Consent Act

INTRODUCED
January 03, 2025
POLICY AREA
STATUS
Referred to the House Committee on Energy and Commerce.
SOURCE
Congress.gov ↗

Bill Summary

H.R. 48, the “Ultrasound Informed Consent Act,” would create a new federal floor for informed consent in abortion care by amending the Public Health Service Act to add a national requirement that an obstetric ultrasound be performed and explained before a patient can give informed consent for an abortion. It applies to any abortion provider “in or affecting interstate or foreign commerce,” a standard Congress often uses to reach most clinical practice given the modern healthcare supply chain. The bill does not ban abortions; rather, it regulates the pre-procedure consent process and creates civil penalties for noncompliance.

The bill defines key terms. “Abortion” is broadly defined to include any intentional use or prescription of instruments, medicines, drugs, substances, devices, or methods to terminate the life of an “unborn child,” or to terminate a known pregnancy, except in cases to produce a live birth and preserve the child’s life, remove an ectopic pregnancy, or remove a fetus that has died as a result of miscarriage, trauma, or criminal assault. “Unborn child” is defined as a human being at any stage before birth. “Abortion provider” is anyone legally qualified to perform abortions under applicable law. “Woman” is defined as a female human being, regardless of age; the bill also defines “unemancipated minor,” although the text creates no separate parental notification rules.

Section 3402 sets the core requirement. Before a woman can provide informed consent for any part of an abortion, the provider or a supervised agent must: (1) perform an obstetric ultrasound; (2) provide a simultaneous explanation of what the ultrasound shows; (3) display the images so the woman may view them; and (4) give a “complete medical description,” including the dimensions of the embryo/fetus, whether cardiac activity is present and visible, and the presence of external members and internal organs if present and viewable. The patient is expressly allowed to avert her eyes, and neither she nor the provider is penalized if she declines to look. However, the display and description must still be offered and performed as part of consent.

The requirement applies to both surgical and medication abortion, because the definition of abortion includes the use or prescription of drugs. In practical terms, this would establish a nationwide ultrasound step before medication abortion, which in many jurisdictions can currently proceed without an ultrasound if the patient’s history and clinical judgment make it unnecessary. The bill contains a medical emergency exception limited to circumstances where an abortion is necessary to save the mother’s life. In such cases, the provider must certify in the medical file the specific medical circumstances justifying the exception. The exception does not extend to serious non-life-threatening health risks, nor does it create exemptions based on rape or incest; those circumstances are not mentioned in the informed consent requirements.

Enforcement consists of civil, not criminal, penalties. The U.S. Attorney General may bring a civil action with penalties up to $100,000 per violation in a first proceeding and $250,000 per violation in later proceedings, and must notify state medical licensing authorities when penalties are assessed. The bill also creates a private right of action for the woman on whom an abortion was performed in violation of the act, allowing her to seek actual and punitive damages; actual damages are defined as objectively verifiable money damages for all injuries. There is no third-party private enforcement. The bill includes a severability clause to preserve the remainder if any provision is struck down.

A preemption clause preserves room for state laws that are “more extensive” than this federal standard. That means states can maintain or enact stricter disclosure rules or higher penalties; permissive states could not set a lower bar than the federal requirement. Functionally, this creates a federal floor and allows a state-by-state ceiling. In states with near-total abortion bans, the law would have limited effect; in states that permit abortion or rely heavily on telehealth and medication abortion, it would add a new procedural step, likely requiring in-person ultrasound capability and associated scheduling, staffing, and cost.

Legally, the bill rests on Congress’s Commerce Clause authority and presents potential First Amendment issues because it compels physicians to speak and display images in a particular way. Federal courts have split on similar state ultrasound laws, with some upholding them as part of informed consent and others striking them down as compelled speech. Post-Dobbs, abortion regulation is largely returned to political branches, but First Amendment constraints remain. The bill’s language choices—such as “unborn child”—and its limited emergency exception reflect a pro-life framing. Practically, it would standardize a particular informed-consent ritual nationwide, increase documentation requirements, and expose providers to significant civil liability for procedural noncompliance, especially in early medication abortion and telehealth contexts.

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Where Each Party Stands

Democrats

MIGHT SUPPORT
+Could improve clinical accuracy when dating a pregnancy or identifying anomalies, which in some cases can enhance patient safety and informed decision-making.
+Creates a private right of action for patients directly affected, offering an avenue of redress if providers fail to follow required consent procedures.
+Avoids criminalization of providers; enforcement is civil, reducing the risk of criminal prosecution dynamics that can further chill healthcare access.
+Explicitly allows the patient to decline to view the ultrasound images, which is less coercive than laws that require viewing or listening to audio.
MIGHT OPPOSE
Imposes a federally mandated, one-size-fits-all consent script that many view as compelled speech for clinicians, raising First Amendment concerns and undermining patient-centered, evidence-based counseling.
Creates practical barriers to timely abortion care, particularly for medication abortion and telehealth models, by effectively requiring an in-person ultrasound even when not medically necessary, leading to delays, added costs, and logistical burdens—especially for low-income and rural patients.
The medical emergency exception is limited to life-threatening situations, excluding serious but non-lethal health risks; there are no exceptions for rape or incest within the consent requirement, which many will see as insensitive and harmful.
Preempts more permissive state frameworks by imposing a federal floor, exporting restrictions to states that have chosen less prescriptive consent models and contradicting local public health policy choices.
Uses ideologically charged terms such as “unborn child,” which critics say blurs medical and legal categories and advances a fetal personhood frame in federal law.
May conflict with FDA-regulated medication abortion protocols and established clinical guidelines that do not always require ultrasound, raising preemption and medical practice concerns.
Risk of chilling effect on providers due to high civil penalties and exposure to punitive damages for documentation or technical missteps, potentially shrinking access in already underserved areas.
Excludes transgender men and nonbinary pregnant people in its definition of “woman,” which may create confusion in care settings and is seen as unnecessarily exclusionary.

Republicans

MIGHT SUPPORT
+Promotes robust informed consent by ensuring women receive real-time, medically relevant information—including fetal dimensions and cardiac activity—before making an irreversible decision.
+Creates a uniform national standard that reduces the patchwork of state requirements and sets a minimum baseline for transparency and patient awareness.
+Does not ban abortion; it focuses on process and safety, including gestational dating that can help prevent complications and ensure appropriate clinical pathways.
+Allows women to avert their eyes if they choose, avoiding accusations of forced viewing while still ensuring information is made available.
+Includes a life-of-the-mother emergency exception and requires documentation, balancing compassion with accountability and deterring abuse of vague health exceptions.
+Provides meaningful enforcement through substantial civil penalties and a private right of action, incentivizing compliance and deterring negligent or unethical providers.
+Respects federalism by preserving states’ ability to enact more protective or expansive disclosure laws and higher penalties, reinforcing strong pro-life states’ policies.
+Aligns with pro-life values by acknowledging the fetus as an “unborn child,” which supporters believe reflects moral and biological reality and underscores the gravity of the decision.
MIGHT OPPOSE
Invites constitutional challenges on compelled speech and Commerce Clause grounds, risking adverse court rulings that could set unfavorable precedents for other pro-life measures.
Represents federal intrusion into an area many conservatives believe should be left to states, potentially conflicting with a states’ rights approach post-Dobbs.
Could be seen as administratively burdensome for small or rural providers, inadvertently reducing clinic availability and potentially creating political blowback without directly reducing abortions.
Limited to civil enforcement and not addressing broader restrictions on abortion access, some pro-life advocates may view it as too modest to meaningfully change outcomes.
Enforcement depends on the priorities of the U.S. Department of Justice; under a pro-choice administration, federal penalties may be inconsistently pursued, weakening deterrence.
By mandating ultrasound for medication abortion, it could increase costs and visits for patients, which some Republicans focused on reducing healthcare burdens might find counter to deregulation principles.

History

Jan 03, 2025
Jan 03, 2025
Jan 03, 2025
Introduced in House